Interview
“No international player will invest in Gaza’s reconstruction while Hamas remains in control”
Simon Walters, the British ambassador to Israel, says he personally requested his post and believes understanding the region requires open dialogue. He urges London to recognize Israel’s security concerns, warns against ideological polarization, and advocates for a diplomatic solution to Gaza’s governance.
Simon Walters (53), the British ambassador to Israel, is a veteran diplomat who knows the Middle East well. He joined the British Foreign Service in the late 1990s, served in Saudi Arabia during the September 2001 al-Qaeda terrorist attacks, and held a series of posts in Iraq, Yemen, and Egypt. He was consul in Jerusalem from 2008 to 2011, and this is his second assignment in Israel.
Walters, who is not Jewish, speaks Arabic and Hebrew. Before taking up his current post in September 2023, he lived for several months with an Israeli-British family in Kibbutz HaHotrim to improve his command of the language.
“The appointment in Israel is the only one I have asked for to date,” he says. “I spent my entire career in the Middle East, and the region has become my specialty. I have a special fondness for Israel. Our youngest son was born here when we were on our previous assignment. I love the directness of Israeli culture and the fact that you can have a proper debate here — as I often do — and still maintain good relations with the person you’re arguing with.
“It’s a huge responsibility to live here and stand alongside Israelis during this terrible time. Everyone here has lost a friend, knows someone who was kidnapped, or has been under missile attack. An important part of my mission is to convey to London what’s happening here. One of the things that frustrates me is that the international media hasn’t covered the reality here clearly or fairly. The focus has been entirely on Gaza — which is understandable given the colossal destruction and great suffering there — but very little has been reported on what’s happening in Israel.
“For example, no one in Israel was safe from missile fire for an entire year until the IDF launched a strong response against Lebanon. Or the fact that the Houthis continued firing ballistic missiles for 15 months, with near-daily attacks last September. Christians living in Israel woke up on Christmas morning to a rocket attack that sent the entire center of the country into shelters. It’s important that people understand what Israel is going through.”
Does that upset you?
“Without a doubt. But to be honest, the Israeli media hasn’t shown the full picture of what’s happening in Gaza either. That worries me because it creates a situation where Israelis and non-Israelis see two completely different realities. That’s not good for Israel or for the rest of the world.
“As a diplomat, I believe that in order to understand the other side, you need open dialogue. I say that because I was born and raised in a very polarized society—Northern Ireland. Protestants and Catholics went to separate schools and voted for separate parties. The result was that people didn’t understand each other’s perspectives or interests, and eventually, they stopped seeing those on the other side as people just like them.
“Ideologies that categorize people instead of seeing them as individuals are dangerous because they lead to bloodshed. You have to find a way to talk to each other, but that requires leadership.”
How can you have a dialogue with people who want to destroy you?
“You can’t talk about people on the other side of the conflict as if they are all the same. When people tell me, ‘The Israelis want this and that,’ I say that’s impossible—there are thousands of opinions in Israel. It’s a society with a very lively internal debate, and that’s also true for the Palestinians.
“I’m not talking about dialogue with Hamas, but about maintaining dialogue with moderate parties that are interested in peace, like the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank. There was an expectation that an intifada would erupt in the West Bank, but that didn’t happen. Israelis will say it’s because of the activity of the Shin Bet and the IDF, but part of the reason is that the Palestinian Authority is doing its job and not encouraging an intifada.
“We need to recognize that there is a partner in Ramallah and that Israel must work with them.”
How do we do that?
“We need a political process. Conflicts aren’t resolved solely through military action against terrorist elements. There must be a plan for the future of Gaza; otherwise, Hamas will continue to dominate, spreading propaganda—like we saw when the hostages were released—and drawing global attention.
"Instead, the focus should be on moderate Palestinians in Ramallah. They must be part of the solution for Gaza.”
Do you understand the revulsion at Hamas’s public display of hostage releases?
“There was real happiness and relief in seeing the hostages return, but the behavior of Hamas and Islamic Jihad was horrific—bordering on sadism—given the inhumane way they exploited the hostages. I’m not just talking about how they were returned, but also the psychological manipulation, like the videos teasing, ‘Here is a man, but we won’t tell you who he is or whether he is alive or dead.’
“It’s nauseating, psychopathic behavior. So I understand how Israelis feel. But I also understand that many Gazans just want to live their lives and not kill Israelis. And I recognize how long it will take to rebuild Gaza.
“After Hamas has been weakened, a diplomatic initiative should be led by friendly Middle Eastern countries—like the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Jordan, and Morocco. Combining them with the Palestinian Authority could create a transitional regime in Gaza.
“The way to defeat Hamas is to give Gazans an alternative that makes the organization irrelevant.”
Will international aid to Gaza be conditional on Hamas’s removal from power?
“No international player will invest in Gaza’s reconstruction while Hamas remains in control. However, humanitarian aid will continue, as it has until now, but there won’t be financial support for rebuilding or governance under Hamas.
“In the second and third stages of the hostage deal, Hamas must accept that another government will be established in Gaza and that they won’t be part of it.”
But Hamas could still influence such a government from behind the scenes.
“The fear that Hamas will continue pulling the strings—similar to Hezbollah in Lebanon—is an understandable Israeli concern. That’s why a solid governance plan is needed, one that provides Gaza’s citizens with essential services: electricity, water, healthcare, and education.
“There must also be a clear security solution, ensuring that Hamas does not regain control. This will require Hamas to make compromises, but they will have to accept this reality.
“It will be painful for Israel to accept that Hamas still exists, but realistically, Israel could continue fighting in Gaza for another two years and Hamas would still persist.”
You recently met Emily Damari, who also holds British citizenship.
“It was very emotional. It choked me up, and I still feel it now. She is an amazing and strong woman. The way she waves her hand is a symbol of her resilience, and we all admire her.”
Will Britain contribute to Gaza’s reconstruction?
“Yes, but only once Hamas is no longer in power. Any reconstruction efforts will require an agreement between Israel, the Palestinian Authority, Arab states, Europe, and the United States. I assume that’s what Steve Witkoff (United States Special Envoy to the Middle East) is working on now, and we fully support it.”
What do you think of Trump’s proposal to relocate Gazans to Jordan and Egypt?
“Look at Egypt and Jordan’s reaction—it’s a red line for them. If there’s no guarantee that such an evacuation is temporary, they’ll assume the goal is permanent displacement, and that’s a problem.”
After October 7, do you understand why many Israelis see discussions about a Palestinian state as rewarding terrorism?
“Many Israelis feel that way, but a two-state solution is also something Hamas doesn’t want.”
Wouldn’t such a state pose a major security threat?
“Everyone understands that a Palestinian state could only exist without an army or air force, ensuring Israel’s security. There are other small states in the region with limited sovereignty—it’s not a deal-breaker.
“The path to stability is through statehood. Hamas told Gazans they could achieve statehood through war and death. Now they know that’s not true.”
The International Criminal Court in The Hague has issued arrest warrants for Netanyahu and Gallant. Should they be afraid of coming to Britain?
“The Rome Statute, which led to the establishment of the court, is now part of British law. Once arrest warrants are issued, it is up to the British courts to decide on the matter, as in any democratic country. The British government respects the law, but the Rome Statute also includes clauses that grant immunity to heads of state. It is not true that Britain has stated it would arrest Gallant or Netanyahu. The court will review the request for their arrest, while also considering the immunity granted to heads of state.”
So there is a possibility that Gallant could be arrested in London?
“I cannot say more than that.”
Is it true that a silent boycott of Israel has been imposed in the fields of economics and academia in Britain?
“The opposite is true. Britain is Israel's third-largest trading partner, and we have extensive academic, commercial, scientific, and technological ties. In universities, you may find individuals who refuse to cooperate with Israel, but I am not aware of any official policy supporting such a stance.
“For example, we have particularly strong collaborations in health and technology. We have connected Israeli companies to the healthcare system in England. Since we have a single, centralized provider of healthcare services (NHS), it serves as an excellent environment for health tech companies to test their systems. That is why Israeli companies are interested in working with us. We also have a program with the Innovation Authority, where six Israeli companies are currently testing their technology in our hospitals. If there is an impression of a silent boycott, it is simply not true.”
In Israel, it was reported that Britain has imposed a ban on arms sales.
“There is no arms boycott. There was a temporary freeze on about 10% of export licenses, which was misrepresented as an embargo, but that is not the case. The freeze is a legal matter under British law. If there is evidence of a violation of international law, the British government is obligated to suspend export licenses.
“In this case, the issue concerns a clause in the Geneva Convention, which states that the Red Cross must be allowed access to prisoners of war.”
But the Red Cross was not given access to our hostages.
“That is a very flawed comparison. The hostages were taken by terrorists, and everything they do is a crime, whereas Israel is not a terrorist organization.
“When the United States fought against al-Qaeda, many of the group's members were captured in Afghanistan and imprisoned in Guantanamo Bay. The Red Cross was allowed to visit them throughout the years. If the Americans adhered to this principle, why shouldn't Israel?”
Where is Britain facing difficulties in its economic relations with Israel? Where is there untapped potential?
“We are trying to reach an agreement on the provision of services, which has not yet been achieved. Specifically, I am referring to services such as digital banking.
“Israel has regulations that make it very difficult to establish digital banking operations here. The UK is a global leader in fintech, with fully online banks, and we have attempted to introduce them to Israel, but so far, it has not been possible.
“For example, I manage all my financial affairs from my phone. I have an account in the UK denominated in Israeli shekels, but I can only manage it from the UK—not from Israel.
“There are also significant challenges in securing contracts for infrastructure projects, such as the metro. Bureaucratic obstacles prevent British companies from competing, which ultimately affects both the cost of living in Israel and, possibly, the quality of execution.
“Today, to compete for a government contract in Israel, all work must be conducted in Hebrew. Physical signatures are still required for contracts, rather than allowing digital submissions. Additionally, there is a requirement that at least 20% of the project must involve local suppliers or contractors, which is not always feasible.
“Another difficulty lies in digital services. If a foreign company wants to operate in Israel, data regulations prevent it from managing human resources remotely. A company cannot simply open a small office in Israel—it is required to relocate its entire operation here.
“These are all issues we are currently negotiating. Despite the enthusiastic support of Nir Barkat, the Minister of Economy, we have yet to reach an agreement. If we succeed, it will be highly beneficial for both countries.”
