OpinionNetanyahu is dragging Israel to a civil war
Opinion
Netanyahu is dragging Israel to a civil war
The greater war we are facing is not about reasonableness but about the democratic-liberal structure that forms the essence of our state
If we are on the verge of the collapse of the Zionist experiment that has developed over the last 75 years, it is crucial for us to understand the underlying reasons. We need to comprehend why there is such deep-seated animosity among us. It seems that we are too deeply engrossed in the details, such as the reasonableness, the selection process of judges, or the power the Knesset will have to override Supreme Court decisions, and not focused enough on the bigger picture and the overall situation.
The air is saturated with the fumes of fuel, waiting for a match to ignite the fire. The delicate bonds that held our shared vision together are unraveling. Solidarity is crumbling. Compassion and empathy for the pain of others have been replaced by dismissive disdain and jubilant cheers.
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Benjamin Netanyahu (left) and the protests against his judicial overhaul.
(Photos: Tal Shahar and Amit Shabi)
The greater war we are facing is not about reasonableness but about the democratic-liberal structure that forms the essence of our state. It is a structure built on the principles of an independent judiciary, respect for Judaism while preserving secularism and freedom, rationalism and education, openness to the world, and a commitment to human rights.
The protest movement aims to preserve the democratic-liberal structure. It encompasses members from right-wing, religious, and Mizrachi backgrounds. However, the government prefers to portray it as an elitist movement.
This conflict rekindles old and familiar divisions, rooted in feelings of discrimination: periphery versus center, ignorance versus education, poverty versus wealth—the age-old dispute over social justice. While the protest movement is diverse, multicultural, and cross-class, it singles out high-tech professionals, academics, and pilots as antithetical to the coalition supporters. Recognizing the valuable contribution of these individuals, whose efforts strengthen and sustain our country, should be acknowledged without being seen as condescension and without inciting hatred.
The liberal-democratic structure is also under threat of destruction from the combination of Religious Zionism and Otzma Yehudit (Jewish power) political parties, as well as the Noam organization, represented by Bezalel Smotrich, Itamar Ben Gvir, Simcha Rothman, and Avi Maoz. With ideological support from the Kohelet Policy Forum, this group seeks to establish a Halacha-based state, promoting Messianic Jewish supremacy. As an intermediate step towards their goal, they adopt the libertarian format of Trumpist American capitalism, which also flirts with evangelism, religious messianism, and the disregard of liberal values.
Smotrich and Rothman deceive us when they market themselves as champions and enhancers of democracy. We should not buy into their version of democracy, coming from individuals who blow a shofar in a Muslim cemetery, harbor homophobic and misogynistic views, participate in acts of violence in places like Hawara, and incite pogroms in the territories. Their aim is to dismantle the democratic values of our country and establish a halachic state that will annex territories, enforce apartheid, and establish the Temple and the Sanhedrin. This is their true vision, even as they present the abolition of reasonableness as a prerequisite for perfecting democracy.
The third front that poses a threat to liberal democracy is the relentless attack on legal institutions. Benjamin Netanyahu, marked as the commander, outlined his target in his speech during the opening of his trial. It was the trumpet blast that signified the beginning of this war. Yariv Levin was appointed as the primary executor to neutralize the law, and he was joined by the religious-messianic front seeking to eliminate all legal oversight of the annexation and settlements project, as well as the protection of refugees, Arabs, and the LGBT community; and the traditional deprivation front, who have always viewed the court as an extension of the left-liberal elite and detested it for defending the rights of refugees and Arabs. Netanyahu, who once defended the judicial system, has turned against it in an effort to establish a new balance. The coalition and the government now pose a threat to the liberal-democratic state.
The goals of Netanyahu, the Prime Minister, and his family are twofold: to eliminate his criminal trial and perpetuate his rule indefinitely. Rumors suggest it is also linked to the financing of the family's lifestyle. He will do everything within his power to never leave the prime minister’s residence again. This includes forming an alliance with the Kahanists, based on an agreement: first, the elimination of the judicial system, followed by a decision regarding a personal or halachic dictatorship, adopting a Hungarian or Polish model.
Netanyahu never allowed Yariv Levin to come close to the judicial system, nor did he consider a political alliance with the Kahanists. By doing so, he publicly declared his intention to destroy democratic and liberal Israel. Perhaps he underestimated the intensity of the protests—from Kaplan to Governor Amir Yaron, to President Joe Biden's recent statements. It is questionable whether Netanyahu foresaw the costs of his actions—from the damage to the economy and the high-tech sector, to our deteriorating international position, to the looming threat of a civil war that endangers both him and us. Now, he must decide whether we will continue paying these prices in order to destroy the foundations of our country.
